


E449 
.G241 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 




DDDD1737Ta3 













^Hi. 



^^-n 









.0* "V *T^r^' A <. -fw* .0*- 

o' 



^^0* f 

















r ..^''. -*- 








.^^ A 



^ .^J^% 



^ 'T%« 







JZnL^ V- 



^^ ♦o-o' .^ 














AN 



ii E) IB IB H © 



DELIVERED IN 



MARLBORO' CHAPEL, BOSTON, 



July 4, 1838 



By WM. LLOYD GARRISON. 



BOSTON: 

PUBLISHED BY ISAAC KNAPP, 

No. 25, Cornhill. 

/ - . . ^ / 

183S. 



ADDRESS 



EXORDIUM — REPUBLICAN CONSISTENCY I 

Fellow Citizens : What a g-lorious day is 
this ! what a glorious people are we ! This is 
the time-honored, z^i/ie-honored, toast-drinking, 
powder-wasting, tyrant-killing fourth of July 
— consecrated, for the last sixty j-ears, to bom- 
bast, to falsehood, to impudence, to hypocrisy. 
It is the great carnival of republican despotism, 
and of christian impiety, famous the world over ! 
Since we held it last year, we have kept se- 
curely in their chains, the stock of two millions, 
three hundred thousand slaves v/e then had on 
hand, in spite of every effort of fanaticism to 
emancipate them; and, through the goodness 
of God, to whom we are infinitely indebted for 
the divine institution of negro slavery, have 
been graciously enabled to steal some seventy 
thousand babes, the increase of that stock, and 
expect to steal a still greater number before 
* another glorious' anniversary shall come round ! 
We have again struck down the freedom of 
speech in Congress, and utterly banished it from 
one half of the Union, by the aid of pistols, 
bowie-knives, and lynch-law. We have also 



renewedly decided, in both houses of Congress, 
that the right of petition is not to be allowed to 
those who are the advocates of immediate and 
universal emancipation. As to the Indian 
tribes, we have done the best we could to expel 
and exterminate them ; and the blood upon our 
hands, and the gore upon our garments, show 
that our success has almost equalled our wishes. 
We hav^e driven the Cherokees, at the point of 
the bayonet, into a distant wilderness, from their 
abodes of civilization — violated the most solemn 
treaties ever entered into between man and man 
— and committed nameless and numberless out- 
rages upon the domestic security and personal 
rights of these hapless victims, — all for the 
laudable purpose of getting their lands, that the 
' divine institution' of slavery may be extended, 
and perpetuated to the latest generation, as ' the 
corner-stone of our republican edifice !' We 
have trampled all law and order under foot, re- 
solved society into Jacobinical clubs, and filled 
the land with mobs and riots which have ended 
in arson and murder, in order to show our ab" 
liorrence of those who ' plead for justice in the 
name of humanity, and according to the law of 
the living God.' Hail, Columbia ! -happy land ! 
Hail, the return of the fourth of July, that we 
may perjure ourselves afresh, in solemnly in- 
voking heaven and earth to witness, that ' we 
hold these truths to be self-evident — that all 
men are created equal ; that they are endowed 
by their Creator with certain inalienable rights ; 
that among these are life, LIBERTY, and the 
pursuit of happiness !' ' Sound the trumpet — 
beat the drum V Let the bells give their mer- 
riest peals to the breeze — unfurl every star- 
spangled banner — thunder mightily, ye cannon, 
from every hill-top — and let shouts arise from 
every plain and valley ; for tyrants and their 



minions shall find no quarter at our hands this 
day! 

* DECLAMATION.' 

I use strong language, and will make no 
apology for it, on this occasion. In contem- 
plating this subject, no man, who is true to his 
nature, can speak but in the language of hot 
displeasure, and caustic irony, and righteous 
denunciation. Every word will burn like molten 
lead, and every sentence glow like flaming fire. 
What are they but a nation of dastards, who, 
making high pretentions to honesty and a sacred 
regard for the rights of man, are seen, year after 
year, openly and shamelessly reducing one- 
sixth part of the population to chains and sla- 
very, herding the sexes together like beasts, 
robbing them of the fruits of a toil extorted by 
a cart-whip, and shutting out from their minds, 
as far as practicable, all knowledge, both human 
and divine t The catalogue of our crimes and 
abominations is without end ; and there is 
nothing that can be tortured into an excuse or 
apolojry for their perpetration. Will any man 
call this declamation ? Granted ! The clay h 
consecrated to declamation, such as burst from 
the lips of James Otis, and Joseph Warren, and 
Patrick Henry, in the days when a three-penny 
tax upon tea was not to be endured, and when 
taxation without representation was deemed an 
outraofe worth perillinir the lives of the colonists 
to redress ! — Declamation ? Who will venture 
to utter that taunt ? Is the picture I have 
sketched overdrawn ? Can the most lynx-eyed 
lawyer detect a simple flaw in the indictment ? 
The facts being admitted, metaphasics are ren- 
dered needless. As a freeman, I require no ar- 
gument to convince me, that to enslave or op- 
press one of my race, is to lift the battle-axe of 



seclition against the throne of God. Honest, 
righteous, soul-slirring deelamalion against ty- 
ranny, is music in my ears. But what harmony 
is there between the clanking of chains, and 
the shouts of the forgers of those chains ? be- 
tween the shrieks of lacerated and bleeding hu- 
manity, and the vauntings of those who wield 
the lash ? between the groans of toil-worn slaves, 
and the exultations of hypocritical freemen ? 

IMMEDIATE EMANCIPATION DEMANDED. 

I present myself as the advocate of my en- 
slaved countrymen, at a time when their claims 
cannot be shuffled out of sight, and on an occa- 
sion which entitles me to a respectful hearing 
in their behalf. If I am asked to prove their 
title to liberty, ray answer is, that the fourth of 
July is not a day to be wasted in establishing 
'self-evident truths.' In the name of the God, 
who has made us of one blood, and in whose 
image we are created ; in the name of the Mes- 
siah, who came to bind up the broken-hearted, 
to proclaim liberty to the captives, and the open- 
ing of the prison to them that are bound ; in 
the name of the Holy Ghost, whom to despise 
is to perish ; I demand the immediate emanci- 
pation of all who are pining in slavery on the 
American soil, whether they are fattening for 
the shambles in Maryland and Virginia, or are 
wasting, as with a pestilent disease, on the cot- 
ten and sugar plantations of Alabama and Lou- 
isiana ; whether they are males or females, 
young or old, vigorous or infirrn. I make this 
demand, not for the children merely, but the 
parents also ; not for one, but for all ; not with 
restrictions and limitations, but unconditionally. 
I assert their perfect equality with ourselves, as 
a part of the human race, and their inalienable 
right to liberty and the pursuit of happiness. 



That this demand is founded in justice, and is 
therefore irresistible, the whole nation is this 
day acknowledging, as upon oath at the bar of 
the world. And not until, by a formal vote, the 
people repudiate the Declaration of Independ- 
ence as a rotten and dangerous instrument, and 
cease to keep this festival in honor of liberty, as 
unworthy of note or remembrance ; not until 
they spike every cannon, and muffle every bell, 
and disband every procession, and quench every 
bonfire, and gag every orator ; not until they 
brand Washington, and Adams, and Jefferson, 
and Hancock, as fanatics and madmen ; not 
until they place themselves again in the condi- 
tion of colonial subserviency to Great Britain, 
or transform this republic into an imperial gov- 
ernment ; not until they cease to point exultingly 
toward Bunker Hill, and the plains of Concord 
and Lexington ; not, in fine, until they deny 
the authority of God, and proclaim themiselves 
to be destitute of principle and humanity; will 
I argue the question, as one of doubtful dispu- 
tation, on an occasion like this, whether our 
slaves are entitled to the rights and privileges 
of freemen. That question is settled irrevoca- 
bly. There is no man to be found, unless he 
has a brow of brass and a heart of stone, who 
will dare to contest it on a day like this. A 
state of vassalage is pronounced, by universal 
acclamation, to be such as no man, or body of 
men, ought to submit to for one moment. I 
therefore tell the American slaves, that the time 
for their emancipation is come ; that, their own 
task-masters being witnesses, they are created 
equal to the rest of mankind, and possess an in- 
alienable right to liberty ; and that no man has 
a right to hold them in bondage. I warn them 
)'0t to fight for their freedom, both on account 
of the hopelessness of the effort, and because it 



8 



is contrary to the will of God ; but I tell them, 
not less emphatically, it is not wrong in them 
to refuse to wear the yoke of slavery any longer. 
Let them shed no blood — enter into no conspi- 
racies — raise no murderous revolts ; but, when- 
ever and wherever they can break their fetters, 
God give them the courage to do so ! And 
should they attempt to elope from their house 
of bondage, and come to the North, may each 
of them find a covert from the search of the 
spoiler, and an invincible public sentiment to 
shield them from the grasp of the kidnapper ! 
Success attend them in their flight to Canada, 
to touch whose monarchical soil insures freedom 
to every republican slave ! 

SEDITION. 

Is this preaching sedition ? Sedition against 
what? Not the lives of southern oppressors — 
for T renew the solemn injunction, ' Shed no 
blood 1' — but against unlawful authority, and 
barbarous usage, and unrequited toil. If slave- 
holders are still obstinately bent upon plundering 
and starving their long-suffering victims, why, 
let them look well to the consequences. To 
save them from danger, I am not obligated to 
suppress the truth, or to stop proclaiming liberty 
' throughout all the land, unto all the inhabitants 
thereof.' No, indeed. There are two impor- 
tant truths, which, as far as practicable, I mean 
every slave shall be made to understand. The 
first is, that he has a right to his freedom noio ; 
the other is, that this is recognized as a self- 
evident truth in the Declaration of American 
Independence. Sedition, forsooth ! Why, what 
are the American people doing this day ? In 
theory, maintaining the freedom and equality of 
the human race ; and in practice, declaring that 
all tyrants ought to be extirpated from the face 



9 



of the earth ! We are giving to our siaves the 
following easy sums for solution : — If the prin- 
ciple involved in a three-penny tax on tea, jus- 
tified a seven years' war, how much blood may 
be lawfully spilt in resisting the principle, that 
one human being has a right to the body and 
soul of another, on account of the color of his 
skin ? Again : — If the impressment of 6000 
American seamen, hy Great Britain, furnished 
sufficient cause for a bloody struggle with that 
nation, and the sacrifice of hundreds of millions 
of capital, in self-defence, how many lives may 
be taken, by way of retribution, on account of 
the enslavement of more than two millions of 
American laborers ? 

DANGER OF INSURRECTION. 

Oppression and insurrection go hand in hand, 
as cause and effect are allied together. In what 
age of the world have tyrants reigned with im- 
punity, or the victims of tyranny not resisted 
unto blood ? Besides our own grand insurrec- 
tion against the authority of the mother coun- 
try, there have been many insurrections, during 
the last two hundred years, in various sections 
of the land, on the part of the victims of our 
tyranny, but without the success that attended 
our own struggle. The last was the memora- 
ble one in Southampton, Virginia, headed by a 
black patriot, nicknamed, in the contemptuous 
nomenclature of slavery, Nat Turner. The 
name does not strike the ear so harmoniously 
as that of Washington, or Lafayette, or Han- 
cock, or Warren ; but the name is nothing. It 
is not in the power of all the slaveholders upon 
earth, to render odious the memory of that sable 
chieftain. 'Resistance to tyrants is obedience ' 
to God,' was our revolutionary motto. We act- 
ed upon that motto — what more did Nat Tur- ■ 



10 



ner ? Says George McDaffie, 'A people who 
deliberately submit to oppression, v/ith a full 
knowledge that they are oppressed, are fit only 
to be slaves. No tyrant ever made a slave — 
no community, however small, having the spir- 
it of freemen, ever yet had a master. It does 
not belong to men to count the costs, and calcu- 
late the hazards of vindicating their rights, and 
defending their liberties ' I — So reasoned Nat 
Turner, and acted accordingly. Was he a pat- 
riot, or a monster ? Do we mean to say to the 
oppressed of all nations, in the 62d year of our 
independence, and on the 4th of July, that our 
example in 1776 was a bad one, and ought not 
to be followed ? As a christian abolitionist, I, 
for one, am prepared to say so — but are the 
PEOPLE ready to say, that no chains ought to be 
broken by the hand of violence, and no blood 
spilt in defence of inalienable human rights, in 
any quarter of the globe ? If not, then our 
slaves will peradventure take us at our word, 
and there will be given unto us blood to 
drink, for we are worthy. Why accuse abo- 
litionists of stirring them up to insurrection? 
The charge is false — but what if it were true? 
If any man has a right to fight for liberty, this 
right equally extends to all men subjected to 
bondage. In claiming this right for themselves, 
the American people necessarily concede it to 
all mankind. If, therefore, they are found tyr- 
annizing over any part of the human race, they 
volunlarily seal their own death-warrant, and 
confess that they deserve to perish. 

' "What are the banners ye exalt ? — the deeds 
That raised your fathers' pyramid of fame ? 

Ye sliow the wound tliat still in history bleeds, 
And talk exulting of the patriot's name — 

Then, wheji your words have waked a kindred fiamey 
And slaves behold the freedom ye adore, 

And deeper feel their sorrow and their shame, 



It 



Ye double all the fetters that they wore, 
And press them down to earth, till hope exults no 



THE ' EECREAIirT AMERICAN.' 

Yoti remember the meetinsf of citizens that 
was held in Fancnil Hali, in Dpcember last, to 
express sentiments of alarm and horror, in view 
of the bloody tragedy at Alton. Among the 
speakers, on that occasion was the Attorney 
General of this Commonwealth, who, (to use 
legal and technical phraseology,) ' being insti- 
gated by the devil, and with malice prepense,'* 
wickedly stood forth as the contemnei and slan- 
derer of the martyred dead, and boldly justified 
the conduct of the Alton rioters and assassins, 
capping the climax of his audacity by ranking 
them with those revolutionary patriots, who 
threw the tea overboard in Boston harbor ! 
He should have been hurled from his office, as 
if struck by a flaming thunderbolt. With all 
the fertility of his malevolent genius, the sum 
total of his allegations against the lamented 
Lovejoy, — 'who, being dead, yet speaketh,' — 
was precisely this. ' In the State of Missouri,' 
he said, 'an individual undertook to establish a 
newspaper, the effect of which was to stimulate 
the slaves to deeds of violence and insurrection.' 
I need not stop to say, that the charge was 
false ; let us see how it was sustained by the 
speaker. He says — ' They [the slaves] were 
told of their rights.' And has it come to this, 
in republican America, the vaunted ' land of 
the free and home of the brave,' that it is a 
crime, worthy to be punished by assassination, 
for a citizen to maintain, that all men are en- 
dowed by their Creator with inalienable rights? 
Then let every man, who shall venture to read 
the Declaration of Independence this day, be 



12 



shot down in the pulpit, or stabbed with a bow- 
ie knife in the streets ! What is he doing but 
' stimulating the slaves to deeds of violence and 
insurrection ' ? Not tell men of their rights, 
under the pains and penalties of lynch law? 
I tell that 'recreant American,' if he holds to 
that doctrine, that he is better qualified to be a 
serf in Russia, than to fill the station he now oc- 
cupies in the free Commonwealth of Massachu- 
setts. Not to assert the rights of the oppressed, 
■wherever pining in bondage, is to fall down, 
and worship the Moloch of Despotism. 

TELLING SLAVES OF THEIR WRONGS. 

But Lovejoy, it seems, had the audacity to 
tell the slaves, not only ' of their rights,' but 
also 'of their wrongs". That must have been 
a rare piece of information to them, truly ! 
Tell a man who has just had his back flayed 
by the lash, till a pool of blood is at his feet, 
that somebody has flogged him ! Tell him who 
wears an iron collar upon his neck, and a chain 
upon his heels, that his limbs are fettered, as if 
he knew it not ! Tell those who receive no 
compensation for their toil, that they are un- 
righteously defrauded ! 0, but the Attorney 
General is facetious as well as ferocious ! In 
spite of all their whippings, and deprivations, 
and forcible separations, — the husband from his 
wife, and the mother from her babe, — like cat- 
tle in the market, it seems that the slaves must 
have realized a heaven of blissful ignorance, 
until their halcyon dreams were disturbed by 
the pictorial representations and exciting descrip- 
tions of the abolitionists I What ! have not the 
slaves eyes ? have they not hands, organs, di- 
mensions, senses, affections, passions ? Are they 
not fed with the same food, hurt with the same 
weapons, subject to the same diseases, healed 



13 



by the same means, warmed and cooled by the 
same winter and summer, as freemen are? 'If 
wo prick them, do they not bleed ? if we tickle 
them, do they not laugh? if we poison them, 
do they not die, and if* we wrong them, will 
they not revenge V ' By no means — it is all a 
mistake !' retorts the Attorney General ; ' the 
slaves of the south do not belong to our species, 
but are a collection of lions, tigers, hyenas, an 
elephant, a jackass or two, and monkeys in 
plenty,' — I am particular in quoting accurately 
his decent and dignified phraseology. Be it so, 
that the slaves are not men, but beasts. The 
crime of Lovejoy, then, consisted in telling AN- 
IMALS 'of their rights, and of their wrongs' 
— and for this, he deserved to be murdered ! 
And for this, too, his murderers deserve to rank 
in history with the patriots of '76 ! Now, I 
know of no law in this republic, which forbids 
any man telling donkeys and apes ' of their 
rights, and of their wrongs,' or establishing a 
newspaper, whether in Missouri or elsewhere, 
to plead their identity with the human race ; 
and if he should dare to utter and publish the 
most inflammatory sentiments, and even call 
upon the beasts of the field to arise as one iTiaii, 
in self-defence, I can scarcely apprehend that 
the Union would be endangered, or any blood 
spilt. 

WHO ARE WILD BEASTS. 

But, while the learned gentleman, in his ea- 
gerness to uphold the murderous slave-system, 
is thus compelled to argue like an inmate of 
Bedlam, now recognizing the slaves as human 
beings, and anon associating them with four- 
footed beasts and creeping things ; while it is 
certain, that, whether black or white, whether 
bond or free, we are all made of one blood, and 
are all heirs of immortality — our Creator giving 



14 



to us all the same commands and the same 
promises, and requiring of us the same obliga- 
tions, the same duties, and the same obedience, 
and warning ns that we shall receive the sam.e 
penalties or rewards, realize the same heaven 
or hell, be judged by the same standard, and 
inhabit the same eternity : yet it is indisputable 
that there is a portion of the American people, 
who seem to have degenerated into the fiercest 
of beasts, and to have lost every lineament of 
the divine image in which they were created — 
and they are the slaveholders of the South. 
Most graphically has that eloquent and renown- 
ed champion of universal emancipation, the 
great Irish patriot O'Connell, described them as 
' two-legged wolves.' He who defends them, 
partakes of their beastiality. And, surely, it 
needed the indwelling of a spirit, fierce and re- 
lentless as that of a tiger and hyena combined, 
for a sworn ofhcer of the law to stand up before 
all the people, in the old Cradle of Liberty, and, 
first of all, committing rank perjury by justify- 
ing mobs, and eulogizing as patriotic a deed 
that has caused a shuddering sensation round 
the world, next proceeding to deny the immor- 
tality of his own species, and to charge the 
murdered champion of liberty, whose blood is 
crying unto heaven for vengeance with a voice 
drowning the roar of a thousand artilleries, with 
having died as a/ooZ dieth ! 

FREEDOM A UNIVERSAL BIRTH-RIGHT. 

Another charge brought against the Alton 
martyr, by the Faneuil Hall declaimer, was, 
that he told the slaves of Missouri, ' no power 
of man could JUSTLY hold them in BOND- 
AGE.' Indeed ! And will the Attorney Gen- 
eral dare to deny that proposition ? Is it not 
one of the ' self-evident truths ' of the Declara- 



15 



lion we profess to revere, next to holy writ ? 
And, for giving it utterance, did Lovejoy de- 
serve to be assassinated? Then every Ameri- 
can, subscribing to that Declaration, ought to 
be as summarily exterminated, and thrown into 
a bloody grave — 

' Unwept, unhonored, and unsung!' 

Hail, ye despots of Europe, with your Holy Al- 
liance for the enslavement of a world ! Rally 
your forces, and combine to blot out of exist- 
ence the seditious republic of North America, 
for thundering in the ears of the victims of 
your tyranny, the insurrectionary doctrine, that 
all men are born free and equal ; that it is ' bet- 
ter to die ten thousand deaths than be a bond- 
man '; and that ' when a long train of abuses 
and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same 
object, evinces a design to reduce them under 
absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their 
DUTY, to THROW OFF such government, and 
to provide new guards for their future security.' 
And Vvdien you shall have succeeded, as perad- 
venture you may, in quenching the light of this 
republic in the blood of its inhabitants — when 
there shall not be left one soul to give free ut" 
terance to its thoughts respecting your despot- 
ism, or to lift up the battle-cry, ' For God and 
Liberty,' in the ears of your servile population 
— then, having razed to the earth every build- 
ing but FANEUIL HALL, now decorated 
with whips and chains, and guarded by the Ge- 
nius of Tyranny, enter into it, and, standing in 
the very foot-prints of your illustrious predeces- 
sor, scornfully exclaim, in view of the havoc you 
have made, ' Died A^IERICA as :ifool dieth ! ' 
Tell the world, that there was at least one ' rec- 
reant American,' who gave you ' scripture for 
the deed.' And gravely admonish the horror- 



16 



stricken nations, that, as ' the best way to j^re- 
vent mobs, is, to do nothing to excite a mo&,*^ 
so the best way to prevent such terrible desola- 
tion, is, for mankind to do nothing to excite your 
despotic fury, but to wear submissively their 
chains ! 

MORAL SUASION. 

But Lovejoy is arraigned on another specifi- 
cation by this lawless lawyer. In the Alton 
Observer, he says, ' what is termed a moral 
suasion was poured out upon their masters, to 
induce them to give freedom to their slaves, 
with the idea conveyed to their slaves, that, if 
their masters did not give them their freedom, 
they might take it by force.'' The charge is 
false — Lovejoy conveyed to the slaves no other 
idea than this, that they must not resort to vio- 
lence, but trust for deliverance to those spiritual 
weapons which their friends were wielding so 
successfully, and which are mighty, through 
God, to the pulling down even of the strong 
hold of slavery. But, what if he did tell them, 
that, ' if their masters did not give them their 
freedom, they might take it by force?' What 
says Bunker Hill on that subject? What are 
those shoutings in the streets, and what all ' the 
pomp and circumstance' of this great jubilee, 
but confirmation of this revolutionary ' idea V 

HORRORS OF SLAVERY. 

Fellow-citizens ! at this hour — 0, blush for 
shame I — on this advent of Liberty, there are 
millions of our countrymen in chains, not in 
Turkey or Algiers, but in our very midst ! And 
such a fate, and such woes, and such depriva- 
tions, and such liabilities, and such torments, as 
are theirs ! — and such owners, and such over- 

*Vide speech ia Faneuil Hall. 



17 



seers, unLl such drivers, as are theirs ! — and 
such breaking of heart-strings, and such dark- 
ening of intellects, and such ruin of souls, as 
are iheirs ! — ' without God, and without hope,' 
without the bible, without marriage, without re- 
compense for their toils, without the slightest 
personal protection, and without any prospect 
of escape I — ranked and herded with brute 
beasts, and treated accordingly ! — their bodies 
branded with red hot irons, or scarred by the 
flesh-devouring lash, or galled by the iron 
criaiiil and their spirits, 'which are God's,' 
trodden upon at every stride of despotism, till 
they are crushed to the earth — or if, by the 
power of the Holy Ghost, any of them chance 
to be ' born again,' this fact is duly announced 
by the auctioneer whenever they are brought 
under his hammer for sale ; for it is notorious, 
that christians bring higher prices as working- 
cattle in the United States, than unhelicvers — a 
' Christ within ' being considered as enhancing 
the value of every chattel ! — These things are 
trite, because they are true ; but are they less 
dreadful on that account. 

WHAT SHALL EE DONE ? 

Now, wliat shall we do in this case ? Shall 
we forbear to deliver those who are drawn unto 
death, and ready to be slain ? Or shall we bid 
them be of good cheer, for their redemption 
draws nigh, and the dawn of emancipation is 
lighting up the east, and shining even unto the 
South and West ? Shall we recognize them 
as one with ourselves, and tell them of their 
rights, and that ' no power of man can justly 
hold them in bondnge V Or shall we be rec- 
reant to our common humanity ; recreant to the 
God wh. made us, by refusing to open our 
mouths for the suffering and the dumb 1 Shall 



IS 



we join hands with their cruel oppressors, and 
forge new fetters for their limbs, and sink them 
still lower in the abyss of misery? Shall we 
basely bow the knee to ' the dark spirit of sla- 
very' — suffer gags to be put into our mouths, 
and padlocks hung upon our lips — lest we put 
in peril the safety of the despot, and stir np re- 
bellious feelings in the bosoms of his victims, 
by our free speech ? That is the question — 
are we ready to decide upon it this day, while 
worshipping at the shrine of Freedom, one and 
ALL ? Do as you please — each to his own Mas- 
ter must stand or fall. For one, my decision is 
made up. It is, not to be gasrged, not to be fet- 
tered, not to bow the neck or bend the knee — 
but still to 

'Speak in a slumbering nation's ear, 

As truth should e'er be spoken, 
Until the dead in sin shall hear, 

The fetter's link be broken.' 

I am still resolved to link my destiny with that 
of the slave, to plead his canse, to rebuke his 
oppressor, and to AGITATE THE LAND, 
whether there be over my head a serene or a 
troubled sky — vv'hether round about me are the 
elements of peace or of strife — whether men 
will hear or forbear. The object I have in 
view is godlike — the principles I enunciate are 
just, immutable, eternal — the result of the con- 
test must be the downfal of slavery, either with 
or without the consent of the planters, either by 
the power of moral suasion or by physical force, 
either by a peaceful or a bloody process. Die 
it must, and die soon — but whether a peaceful 
or a violent death, it is for us to determine. 

AN UNEQUAL CONTEST. 

It is useless, it is dreadful, it is impious for 
this nation longer to contend with the Almighty. 



19 



All his attributes are against us, and on the 
the side of the oppressed. Is it not a fearful 
thing to fall into the hands of the living God ? 
Who may abide the day of his coming, and who 
shall stand when he appeareth as 'a swift wit- 
ness against the adulterers, and against false- 
swearers, and against those that oppress the 
hireling in his wages, the widow, and the fath- 
erless, and that turn aside the stranger from his 
right ?' Woe to this bloody land ! it is all fiill 
of lies and robbery — the prey departeth not, and 
the sound of a whip is heard continually. - 
'Judgment is turned away backward, and jus- 
tice standeth afar off: for truth is fallen in the 
street, and equity cannot enter. Yea, truth' 
faileth ; and he that departeth from e\\\,maketh 
himself a prey. ^ The Lord sees it, and is dis- 
pleased that there is no judgment; and he hath 
put on the garments of vengeance for clothing, 
and is clad with zeal as a cloak — and, unless' 
we repent by immediately undoing the heavy 
burdens and letting the oppressed go free, ac- 
cording to our deeds, accordingly he will repay,' 
fury to his adversaries, recompense to his ene- 
mies. ' The Lord executeth righteousness and 
judgment for all that are oppressed.' 'O give 
thanks unto the Lord ; for he is good : for his 
mercy endureth for ever. To him that smote 
Egypt in their first-born : for his mercy endureth 
for ever. And overthrew Pharaoh and his 
hosts in the Red sea : for his mercy endureth 
for ever.' ' Sing unto the Lord, for he hath tri- 
umphed gloriously : the horse and his rider 
hath he thrown into the sea. Thou didst blow 
with thy wind, the sea covered them : they 
sank as lead in the mighty waters.' ' Even so, 
Lord God Almighty, for so it seemed good in 
thy sight.' 'Who is like unto thee, O Lord, 



20 



among the gods? who is like thee, glorious in 
holiness, fearful in praises, doing wonders?' 

INSURRECTIONS PROBABLE. 

I have said, that slavery and insurrection, 
like cause and effect, are inseparable. It has 
been so in all countries, and in all ages. Is this 
slaveholding republic to form an exception? 
Why ? Because the enormity of its oppression 
is unsurpassed by any thing known in history ? 
Insane reason I .But what better can be given ? 
Fellow-citizens, we ought not to be surprised, if 
the next mail from the South should bring us 
tidings that the slaves have risen upon their 
masters, and are spreading havoc and death on 
every side. Surely, they have manifested un- 
exampled forbearance up to this hour ; but en- 
durance has its bounds. As one who dreads 
and deprecates such an explosion, as truly as I 
hate slavery, I shudder to think what a revolu- 
tionary spirit the joyous celebration of this an- 
niversary is calculated to stir up in the breasts 
of those, who, according to Mr. Jefferson, are 
enduring a bondage, ' one hour of which is 
fraught with more misery than ages of that 
which we rose in rebellion to oppose.' Suppose 
they should revolt, en masse, and put forth their 
Declaration of Independence — 

' Let not the favored white man name 
Their stern appeal, with words of blame. 
Hath he not, with the light of heaven 

Broadly around him, made the same ? 
Yea, on a thousand v.ar-fields striven, 

And gloried in his open shame, 
Kneeling amidst his brother's blood, 
To offer mockery unto God, 
As if the High and Holy One 
Could smile on deeds of murder done !' 

AN ADVOCATE OF SEDITION ! 

• Will the Attorney General of this Common- 



21 



wealth venture to deny, that if the slaveholders 
will not give freedom to their slaves, they have 
a right to take it by force? He has falsely put 
that language into the mouth of Lovejoy, for a 
diabolical purpose ; but 1 will as truly put it in- 
to his own, because it is his own, for the pur- 
pose of covering him with shame and confusion 
of face. In a pamphlet^ which he wrote some 
two years ago, in order to prove that abolition- 
ists are stimulating the slaves to insurrection by 
their denunciations of slavery, he uses the fol- 
lowing exciting language: — Mark it well, as I 
read it ! 

' If, when a man is unjustly made a slave for life, 
and his Vvife and children are made slaves with him, 
he may not rise, in his strength or his madness, and 
shake otT his chains, and stand guiltless before God, 
n'ith the blood of the oppressor on his hajids, it is in vain 
to talk about human rights . . . Could we doubt a mo- 
ment about this, if the law of Carolina should propose 
to detain every white traveller passing through its ter- 
ritory, and turn him on the plantation as a slave? Is 
there a heart in New England, that would not beat high 
with sympathy for the abused white man ? 7s there on 
arm that ivoufd not reach him a dagger if it covld 1 Is 
there a tribunal on earth, or any law of heaven, that 
would not excuse — excuse, did I say ? — that would not 
command him to watch for his opportimity, and maJie 
himeelf free? . . . The sentiment, that the individual is 
in no case to offer resistance to government, is fit only 
for a slave. It is the doctrine of passive obedience and 
non-resistance, which was scouted from all human 
creeds with the same breath that blew away the divine 
right of kings, and the dogmatical pretensions of the 
clergy ... It anj^ government, foreign or domestic, was 
{<i doom the free born and gallant sjns of our Common- 
wealth to slavery, and there was one of them that should 
tell you that government must not in such case be re- 
sisted, he would be fit for the slavery to which he was 
destined — a^', truly, to be the slave of slaves.^ 

*This pamphlet was published anonymously, but its 
authorship was publicly ascribed to the Attorney Gen- 
eral, and has never been denied by him. 



22 



I put it to you all, fellow-citizens, were sen- 
timents more inflammatory, or better calculated 
to stir up every feeling of revenge and despera- 
tion in the soul of the southern slave, even ut- 
tered in any age or clime ? Do they not in- 
voke him to watch his opportunity, plunge a 
dagger into the heart of his master, and make 
himself free ? Do they not assure him, that 
he shall stand guiltless before God, with the 
blood of the oppressor on his hands ; and that 
there is no tribunal on earth, or any law of 
heaven, that would not justify the deed? Do 
they not scout the doctrine of non-resistance, 
as absurd and wicked ? And, withal, how elo- 
quently they are expressed — ' in thoughts that 
breathe, and words that burn ' ! Their perusal 
must set the soul of every bondman on fire. 

SOUTHEKN INFATUATION. 

Incredible as it may seem, and as a startling 
proof of southern infatuation, (' for whom the 
gods purpose to destroy, they first render in- 
sane,') it is said that large quantities of the 
pamphlet containing these murderous senti- 
ments were eagerly purchased by slaveholders 
for gratuitous distribution throughout the south, 
merely because it also contained the vilest ac- 
cusations against the abolitionists I — Thus, a 
publication was put within the reach of the 
slaves, endorsed as excellent and true by their 
masters, which, in one part, urges them, by 
their allegiance to God, to make insurrection, 
and in another, gives them the cheering infor- 
mation, that if they should raise the Avar-cry of 
'Liberty or death !' there is a powerful party 
at the North, called abolitionisits, who stand 
ready to assist them ! 

PACIFIC VIEWS OF THE ABOLITIONISTS. 

* That no insurrection has since taken place 



23 



is indeed inarvellou?;, and may be attributable 
to the fact, that the slaves are in some measure 
acquainted with the real sentiments of those 
who are pleading their cause, as expressed in 
the following- resolutions, adopted unanimously 
by the Massachusetts A. S. Society in 1835, 
and responded to by abolitionists universally : 

' Whereas, the southern planters are slanderously 
reporting of northern abolitionists, that they are in fa- 
vor of a servile insurrection among the slave popula- 
tion, and are ready to assist them by violerioe ; and 
whereas, such reports are calculated to deceive the 
slaves, and may encourage them to resort to rebellion 
and massacre, by relying upon our co-operation : 
therefore, 

Resolved, That we solemnly warn our colored breth- 
ren, bond and free, not to believe these charges — for 
they are not true. 

Resolved. That by patient endurance of their wrongs, 
and unwavering trust in the promises of God, the slaves 
will hasten the day of their peaceful deliverance from 
the yoke of bondage— for God will continue to raise up 
friends and advocates to plead their cause, and by the 
power of TRUTH will make them free indeed ; whereas, 
by violent and bloody measures, they will prolong their 
servitude, and expose themselves to destruction. 

Resolved, That the conduct of southern slaveholdersj 
in filling the ears of their ignorant victims with insur- 
rectionary charges against the friends of imiuediate 
emancipation, is alike cruel and suicidal; and that 
they alone will be responsible for all the consequences 
of a servile war, should the slaves revolt against them. 

Resolved, That inasmuch as we have no access to 
the slave population, and as a measure of safety to 
themselves, and of justice to us, we earnestly entreat 
the holders of slaves to convey the spirit of these reso- 
lutions to all under their authority, and to assure them 
that these are the sentiments of all true aboliiionists.' 

It is very doubtful, whether these pacific res- 
olutions obtained the slightest circulation at the 
south — the infatuated planters seeming to be 
determined to delude their slaves with the no- 
Sion, that if they will only lift up the standard 



24 



of revolt, the abolitionists will fly to their aid. 
Suicidal conduct ! Be the awful responsibility 
upon their own heads. If they perish, it wili 
be in a fire of their own kindling. For why 
should not the slaves credit the oft -repeated as- 
sertions of their masters on this subject? Why 
should they not believe that which unnumbered 
wrongs, and burning desires for liberty, would 
naturally lead them to hope to be true? Igno- 
rant as they are, they have too much sagacity 
to imagine, for a single moment, that their mas- 
ters are madly deceiving them. I say, then — 
with a heart filled with awe and solemnity — 
that a w^ide-spread and merciless conspiracy, on 
the part of the slave population, is to be regard- 
ed as among the probable occurrences of every 
day. I say, that it ought to excite no surprise, 
if to-morrow's mail should bring us the appalling 
intelligence, that insurrections bad broken out 
in all parts of the God-abandoned south ; that a 
hundred plantations had been fired, and a heca- 
tomb of victims slain ; and that neither age nor 
sex, neither youth nor infancy, had been spared I 
O, the unutterable horrors of a servile war ! 

' Wo if it come with storm, and blood, and fire, 

When midnight darkness veils ihe earih and sky! 
Wo to the innocent babe — the guilty sire — 

Mother and daughter — friends of kindred tie ! 

Stranger and citizen aUke shall die! 
Red-handed Slaughter his revenge shall feed, 

And Hav^oc yell his ominous death-cry; 
And wild despair in vain for mercy plead, 
While earth aghast shall shrink, and sicken at the 
deed ! ' 

AWFUL co:ndition of slaveholders. 

Will any man make a mock of this, as an 
idle apprehension ? Is it an occurrence unheard 
of in the history of slavery? And if it has 
come to pass, in a swarm of instances, in times 



*^5 



by-gone, why may it not lalie place again? 
Are not the slaveholders constantly assuring 
their slaves, that if they will not suffer them- 
selves any longer to be robbed, and beaten, and 
famished, and herded with four-footed beasts; 
if they will but dash their galling chains asun- 
der, and wade through blood to freedom, they 
shall be aided by a powerful abolition army? 
And is there not a. tremendous account to be 
settled, for inalienable rights t—mpled under 
foot, for bodily scars and muiii tions, and for 
all conceivable outrages and suflbrings — an ac- 
count beyond the arithmetical powt-rs of Human- 
ity to calculate, running back for two hundred 
years ? Let who will scofl' at the thought of 
danger, there is one inan, who, lawless in speech 
as he sometimes is, and hardened as he is on 
this subject, too well understands the natural 
workings of slavery, aside from any abolition 
excitement, to ridicule the fears I have express- 
ed. I summon him as a witness on the present 
occasion. The Attorney General of this Com- 
monwealth will please to come on to the stand, 
and testify as to the exact situation of his ' south- 
ern brethren.' What does the witness say? 
That he has given his evidence elsewhere, 
which may be adduced here. 'When and 
where was it given V 'On the Sih of Decem- 
ber, 1S37, at the Lovejoy meeting in Faneuil 
Hall.' It is as follows: 

' The condiiion of the people of a slave State can 
hardly enter into the imagination of our peaceful and 
quiet citizens. For thevi, there is no peace, by night or 
(lay ! Their enemies are of their oivn honsehohl ! Every 
moment is a moment of alarm ! Life is wasted in the 
constant terror of destruction ! The husband and 
father, when he retires to sleep, may commend his wife 
and daughters to the protection of Almighty God, but 
lie must do it with the constant feeling of alarm that 
they may be murdered, and his dwelling burned, or 



26 



even a more he:- ible catastrophe happen before morn- 
ing ! He sleeps ai.iiost the sleep of death ; he is in more 
than the perils of death — a state of alarm and distress, 
which we cannot realize ! We might read ii in a novel, 
as a thing belonging to romance ! The apprehension 
of an insurrection — the dread of a civil commotion — 
and distress and anxiety of mind, pervade a slavehold- 
ing State! ' — •' IVe may think these fears idle, but it is 
because \re do not realize the condition of white people 
in a slave country.' 

The testimony of this witness is absolutely 
appalling. It is given li\' a friend and cham- 
pion of the south, and is therefore as favorable, 
we may suppose, as the circumstances of the 
case will admit. The description can apply no 
where else ; for such a fearful state of society 
does not exist under any form of European or 
Asiatic despotism. The picture has no light, 
but its coloring is w^iolly of ' the blackness of 
darkness' — and the limner would have made it 
less hideous than it is, if such a thing had been 
possible. 

TREATMENT OF THE SLAVES. 

No\r, what becomes of the assertion, that the 
slaveholders are honorable, humiane and chris- 
tian men, and that their slaves are contented 
and happy? — so happy, that they deprecate 
nothing so much in the world as a state of free- 
dom, and so contented that no wish of theirs is 
left ungratified! 'For the slaveholders,' we 
are told, * there is no peace, by night or day ; 
but every moment is a moment of alarm, and 
their enemies are of their own household ! ' It 
is the hand of a friendly vindicator, moreover, 
that rolls up the curtain ! What but the most 
atrocious tyranny on the part of the masters, 
and the most terrible sufferings on the part of 
the slaves, can account for such alarm, such in- 
security, such apprehension that ' even a more 



27 



horriljle catastrophe' than that of arson and 
murder nia^^ transpire nightly? It requires all 
the villany that has ever been charged upon 
southern oppressors, and all the wretchedness 
that has ever been ascribed to the oppressed, to 
workout so fearful a result; — and that the 
statement is true, the most distinguished slave- 
holders have more than once certified. That it 
is true, the entire code of slave laws — whips 
and yokes and fetters — the nightly patrol — re- 
striction of locomotion on the part of the slaves, 
except with passes — muskets, pistols and bowie 
knives in the bed chambers during the hours of 
rest — the fear of the intercommunication of col- 
ored freemen and the slaves — the prohibition of 
even alphabetical instruction, under pains and 
penalties, to the victims of wrong — the refusal 
to admit their testimony against persons of a 
\vhite complexion — the wild consternation and 
furious gnashing of teeth exhibited by the ' chiv- 
alric' oppressors, at the sight of an anti-slavery 
publication — the rewards offered for the persons 
of abolitionists — the w'hipping of Dresser and 
the murder of Lovejoy — the plundering of the 
U. S. mail — the application of lynch law to all 
v.'ho are found sympathizing with the slave 
population as men, south of the Potomac — the 
reign of mobocracy in place of constitutional law 
— and, finally, the Pharaoh-like conduct of the 
masters, in imposing new^ burdens and heavier 
fetters upon their down-trodden vassals — all 
these things, together with a long catalogue of 
others, are not merely confirmations, but de- 
monstrations of the truth of the terrific sketch of 
southern society, as drawn by the Attorney 
General of the Commonwealth of jMassachusetts. 
They prove that abolitionists have not ' set down 
aught in malice' against the south — that they 
have exaggerated nothing. They warn us, as 



28 

with miraculous speech, that, unless justice be 
speedily done, a bloody catastrophe is to come, 
which will roll a gory tide of desolation through 
the land, and may peradventure blot out the 
memory of the scenes of St. Domingo. They 
are the premonitory rumblings of a great earth- 
quake — the lava tokens of a heaving volcano! 
Clod grant, that while there is time and a way 
to escape, we may give heed to these signals of 
impending retribution! 

SPIRIT OF ABOLITIONISTS. 

One thing I know full well. Calumniated, 
abhorred, persecuted as the abolitionists have 
been, they constitute the body guar! of the 
slaveholders, not to strengthen their ojvTression, 
but to shield them from the vengeance of their 
slaves. Instead of seeking their drst.ruction, 
abolitionists are endeavoring to save tl-em from 
midnight conflagration and sudden death, by be- 
seeching them to remove the cause of insurrec- 
tion ; and by holding out to their shives the 
hope of a peaceful deliverance. We do not de- 
sire that any should perish. Having a con- 
science void of offence in this matter, and cher- 
ishing a love for our race which is ' without par- 
tiality and without hypocrisy,' no impeachment 
of our motives, or assault upon our character, 
can disturb the serenity of our minds; nor can 
any threats of violence, or prospect of suffering, 
deter us from our purpose. That we manifest 
a bad spirit, is not to be decided on the testimo- 
ny of the southern slave-driver, or his northern 
apologist. That our philanthropy is exclusive, 
in favor of but one party, is not proved bv our 
denouncing the oppressor, and sympathizing 
with his victim. That we are seeking popular- 
ity, is not apparent from our advocating an odi- 
ous and unpopular cause, and vindicating, at 



29 



the loss of our reputation, the rights of a peo- 
ple who are reckoned among the offscouring of 
all things. That our motives are not disinter-' 
esled, they who swim with the popular current, 
and partake of the gains of unrighteousness, 
and plunder the laborers of their wages, are not 
competent to determine. That our language 
is liarsh, uncharitable, unchristian, they who re- 
vile us as madmen, fanatics, incendiaries, ene- 
mies of the Union, traitors, cut-throats, &c. &;c. 
cannot be allowed to testify. That our meas- 
ures are violent, is not demonstrated by the fact, 
that we wield no physical weapons, pledge our- 
selves not to countenance insurrection, and pre- 
sent the peaceful front of non-resistance to those 
Avho put our very lives in peril. That our ob- 
ject is chimerical, or unrighteous, is not substan- 
tiated by the fact of its being commended by Al- 
mighty God, and supported by his omnipotence, 
as well as approved by the wise and good in ev- 
ery age and in all countries. If the charge, so 
often brought against us, be true, that our tem- 
per is rancorous and our spirit turbulent, how 
has it happened, that, during so long a conflict 
with slavery, not a single instance can be found 
in which an abolitionist has committed a breach 
of the peace, or violated any law of his country ? 
If it be true, that we are not actuated by the 
best feelings of humanity, nor sustained by the 
highest principles of rectitude, nor governed by 
the spirit of forbearance, I ask, once more, how 
it has come to pass, that when our meetings 
have been repeatedly broken up by lawless men, 
our property burnt in the streets, our dwellings 
sacked, our persons brutally assailed, and our 
lives put in imminent peril, we have refused to 
lift a finger in self-defence, or to maintain our 
rights in the spirit of worldly patriotism ? 



30 



WHO ARE THE COWARDS. 

Will it te retorted, that we dare not resist — 
that we are cowards ? Cowards ! No man be- 
lieves it. They are the dastards, who maintain 
that MIGHT makes RIGHT — whose arguments are 
brickbats and rotten-eggs, whose v/eapons are 
dirks and bowie-knives, and whose code of jus- 
tice is lynch lav/. A love of liberty, instead of 
unnerving men, makes them intrepid, heroic, 
invincible. It was so at Thermopylce — it was 
so on Bunker Hill. Who so tranquil, who so 
little agitated, in storm or sunshine, as the abo- 
litionists ? But what consternation, what run- 
ning to and fro like men at their very wit's end, 
what trepidation, what anguish of spirit, on the 
part of their enemies ? How southern slave- 
mongers quake and tremble at the faintest whis- 
perings of an abolitionist ! — For, truly, ' the 
thief doth fear each bush an officer ' — and 

^ 'Tis cimsdencc that makes cowards of them all !' 

0, the great poet of Nature is right — 

' Thrice is he armed M'ho hath his quarrel just — 
And he but naked, though locked r,p in steel, 
Whose conscience with injustice is corrupted!' 

A greater than Shakspeare certifies, that ' the 
wicked flee when no man pursueth ; but the 
righteous are bold as a lion.' In this great 
contest of Right against Wrong, of Liberty 
against Slavery, who are the wicked, if they be 
not those, who, like vultures and vampyres, are 
gorging themselves with human blood? if they 
h? not the plunderers of the poor, the spoilers 
of the defenceless, the traffickers in ' slaves and 
the souls of men?' Who are the cowards, if 
not those who shrink from manly argumenta- 
tion, the light of truth, the concussion of mind, 
and a fair field? if not those whose prowess, 
stimulated by whiskey potations, or the spirit of 



31 



murder, grows rampant as the darkness of night 
approaches ; whose shouts and yells are savage 
and fiend-like ; who furiously exclaim, ' Down 
with free discussion! down with the liberty of 
the press ! down with the right of petition ! 
down with constitutional law!' — who rifle mail-' 
bags, throw types and printing-presses into the 
river, burn public halls dedicated to ' Virtue, 
Liberty and Independence,' and assassinate the 
defenders of inalienable human rights? And 
who are the righteous, in this case, if they be 
not those who will ' have no fellowship with 
the unfruitful w^orks of darkness, but rather 
reprove them ;' who maintain that the laborer 
is worthy of his hire, that the marriage institu- 
tion is sacred, that slavery is a system accursed 
of God, that tyrants are the enemies of man- 
kind, and that immediate emancipation should 
be given to all who are pining in bondage? 
Who are the truly brave, if not those who de- 
mand for truth and error alike, free speech, a 
free press, an open arena, the right of petition, 
AND NO QUARTEUs? if uot those, who, instead of 
skulking from the light, stand forth in the noon- 
tide blaze of day, and challenge their opponents 
to emerge from their wolf-like dens, that, by a 
rigid examination, it may be seen who has sto- 
len the wedge of gold, in whose pocket are the 
thirty pieces of silver, and whose garments are 
stained with the blood of innocence ? Abolition- 
ists cowards ! When was it ever known for 
cowards to espouse the cause of dov/n-trodden 
innocence, or to breast the tide of popular vio- 
lence, or to run any hazard for the good of oth- 
ers ? Have ihe Tappans, the Jays, the Smiths, 
the Birneys, the Welds in our cause — have the 
Grimkes, the Chapmans, the ]\Iotts — have any 
abolitionists, men or women, in anyplace oral 
any time — manifested a lack of firmness or 



32 



courage, even in the most terrible emerg-encies ? 
If they may not be associated with ' the glori- 
ous company of martyrs,' who have suffered for 
righteousness' sake, in all ages, — if they have 
not exhibited a martyr-like spirit of long-suffer- 
ing, forbearance, forgiveness, uncompromising 
integrity, and stern endurance, — then it is be- 
cause slavery has never existed in this country, 
and no mobs have risen up, and no lynchings 
have taken place, and no injury has been done 
to character, property, or life. For is there a 
religious sect, (excepting the Friends,) and per- 
haps one or two others, or a political party with- 
out an exception, in this country, who, if they 
had been called to pass through our fiery orde- 
al — if their meetings had been ruthlessly invad- 
ed, and their very lives and liberties put in jeop- 
ardy by lawless ruffians — would not have stood 
on the defensive, and given blow for blow, and 
clashed weapon with weapon ? 

OUR WEAPONS NOT CARNAL. 

The charge, then, that we are beside our- 
selves, that we are both violent and cowardly, 
is demonstrated to be false, in a signal manner. 
I thank God. that ' the weapons of our warfare 
are not carnal, but spiritual.' I thank him, that, 
by his grace, and by our deep concern for the 
oppressed, we have been enabled, in christian 
magnanimity, to pity and pray for our enemies, 
and to overcome their evil with good. Over- 
come, I say : not merely suffered unresistingly, 
but conquered gloriously. 
'Now are our brows bound with victorious wreaths!' 

God grant that we may go on to the end, as 
we have begun ! If it must be so, let the de- 
fenders of slavery still have all the brickbats, 
bowie-knives and pistols, which the land can 
furnish ; but let us still possess all the argu- 



33 



ments, facts, icartiings and promises, vvhicli in- '* 
sure the final triumph of our holy cause. Let 
us lake unto ourselves the whole armor of God, 
that we may be able to withstand in the evil 
day, and having done all, to stand — having- our 
loins girt about with truth, and having on the . 
breast-plate of righteousness, and our feet shod 
with the preparation of the gospel of peace; 
above all, taking the shield of faith, wherewith 
we shall be able to quench all the fiery darts of 
the wicked ; and taking the helmet of salvation, 
and the sword of the Spirit, which is the word 
or God. 

A SERIOUS hint TO THE SOUTH. 

There is one hint I would throw out for the 
consideration of the South, and which I think 
they will regard as both solemn and weighty. 
Abolitionists, at the present lime, constitute a 
powerful and ever increasing party. They have 
many presses enlisted on their side ; their soci- 
eties have multiplied, within a short time, from 
one hundred to fifteen hundred, swarming in 
all parts of the free States ; they are opening 
new resources, continually, by which they are 
obtaining means to carry forward their great 
enterprise ; physically, they are strong — intel- 
lectually, they are vigorous; and that they cor- 
dially detest slavery, and as heartily sympathize 
with the slave, is apparent to the whole world. 
It is not less certain, that they have entirely se- 
cured the confidence, love and gratitude of the 
free colored population of the United States ; 
and, consequently, have acquired and are now 
exerting a mighty influence over them. Nor is 
it improbable that the slaves, as far as they un- 
derstand their operations, regard them with 
equal reverence apd affection, as their only hope 
of deliverance from bondage. Nothing, there- 
3 



34 



fore, is easier than for the abolitionists, if tliey 
were so disposed, as it were in the twinkling of 
an eye, to ' cry havoc and let slip the dogs of 
war,' and fill this whole land with the horrors 
of a civil and servile commotion. It is only for 
them to hoist but one signal, to bindle but a 
single torch, to give but a single bugle-call, and 
the three millions of colored victims of oppres- 
sion, both bond and free, would start up as one 
man, and make the American soil drunk with 
the blood of the slain. How fearful and tre- 
mendous is the power, for good or evil, thus 
lodged in their hands ! Besides being stimulat- 
ed by a desire to redress the wrongs of their 
enslaved countrymen, they could plead, in ex- 
tenuation of their conduct for resorting to arms, 
(and their plea would be valid, according to the 
theory and practice of republicanism,) that they 
had cruel wrongs of their own to avenge, and 
sacred rights to secure, inasmuch as they are 
thrust out beyond the pale of the Constitution, 
excluded from one half of the Union by the fiat 
of the lynch code, deprived of the protection of 
law, and branded as traitors, because they dare 
to assert that God wills all men to be free ! 
Now, I frankly put it to the understandings of 
southern men, whether, in view of these consid- 
erations, it is adding an}^ thing to their safety, 
or postponing the much dreaded catastrophe a 
single hour, — v/hether, in fact, it is not increas- 
ing their peril, and rendering an early explo- 
sion more probable, — for them to persevere in 
aggravating the condition of their slaves by 
tightening the chains and increasing the heavy 
burdens — or in wreaking their malice upon the 
free people of color — or in adopting every base 
and unlawful measure to wound the character, 
destroy the property, and jeopard the lives of 
abolitionists, and thus leaving no stone unturned 



35 



to inflame them to desperation ? All this, 
southern men have done, and are still doing-, as 
if animated by an insane desire to be destroyed. 
I ask them — not tauntingly, but seriously — 
whether such conduct is prudent or politic, es- 
pecially if they really believe, (as they affirm 
they do,) that the abolitionists are malicious and 
blood-thirsty men ? For, as it respects their 
slaves, it is a mockery to talk of their not desiring 
liberty, or of their attachment to those who treat 
them like brutes. The Attorney General of 
Massachusetts uses the language of verity when 
he says — 'For the slaveholders, there is no 
peace, by night or day. Their enemies are of 
their own household. Life is wasted in the 
constant terror of destruction.' How eas}^ 
therefore, it would be for the abolitionists, if 
they had any malice in their hearts, to stir up 
an insurrection ! 

A STARTLING FACT. 

Let me state a fact, not less startling than in- 
structive, to show how much the slaves are at- 
tached to their masters, or, rather, how deadly 
is the enmity subsisting between them. There 
are — God be praised ! may their number be 
speedily doubled ! — not less than ten thousand 
runaways from the slave States, in Upper Can- 
ada. So much did they love their masters, th?c 
though ignorant of the geography of the coun^ryj 
and unprovided with aught for their pe.'-i'lous 
journey as they were, they fled to the woods, 
choosing rather to be torn in piec-;? by wild 
beasts, or by the less merciful bloodm^L^nds sent 
in hot pursuit, or to die of starvation, than to 
remain longer in slavery. And who shall at- 
tempt to recount what they endured in seeking 
* a better country V — their perils by day, their 
terrors by night, their watchings and fastings, 



36 



their rjumberless mistakes and deviations — now 
lost in the mazes of a vast Avilderness, and anon 
nearly perishing in attempting to swim some 
unknown river — surrounded by enemies ap- 
prised of their escape, and eager to capture 
them, dead or alive — their flesh cruelly torn by 
briars and thorns — their hearts now cheered by 
a ray of hope, now sinking ih despair ! But, 
O, their exceeding joy and frantic exultation, as 
they approach the land o{ fulfilment as well as 
of 'promise — as their longing eyes greet the 
Canada lines, to cross which ends the woes and 
torments of slavery ! And now it is but a step 
— the pursuers are in sight, hurrying on with 
whirlwind speed, and shouting to the victims to 
stop — but the lines are passed, and ten thousand 
chattels personal are instantly transformed into 
men, who stand erect in full view of their op- 
pressors, without a chain upon their limbs, ' re- 
deemed, regenerated and disenthralled by the 
irresistible genius of British emancipation !' 
Hail, Brittainia ! Shame, America ! But, per- 
haps these runaways are sighing for their iron 
yokes and rusty fetters, and pining to be put 
under their former taskmasters, that they may 
receive stripes instead of wages for their work ! 
Let us see. For the past year, 'grim visaged 
War' has shown his ' wrinkled front' along the 
C'yanada lines, and every effort has been made 
by bands of lawless and profligate Americans, 
to irivade and revolutionize the British provinces. 
Now, vlfio have stood ready, and come forward 
the mosi promptly, to do battle for the crown 
and throriQ of England against the invaders? 
American ron^way slaves \ Who have volun- 
teered to spill their blood, ay, lay down their 
lives, if need oe, iri defence of the youthful 
queen Victoria \ American runaways ! Who 
are now enrolled in companies as soldiers, with 



37 



officers selected from their own ranks, to insure 
victory to monarchical freedom over republican 
despotism 1 American runaways ! Ought not 
this fact to fill this nation with deep concern ? 
For what are these runaways but the represen- 
tatives, both in spirit and action, of the two mil- 
lions of slaves left behind ? 

The following paragraph is from an Upper 
Canada paper of the 3d ult. 

"We perceive that an addilion of 300 colored men are 
wanted for Her Majesty's service, in cider to complete 
a regiment now being raised at Chippewa, under Lieut. 
Colonel Creighton. An application can be made to 
Wm. A. Maingy, Esq. Ancaster, to whom we would 
recommend our colored friends. — Hamilton Gazette. 

Fellow citizens, must it not be palpable to the ^ 
dimmest vision, that, unless we abolish slavery 
in our country with that promptness which 
self-preservation as well as justice demands, we 
must expect soon to be involved in the horrors 
of a servile insurrection 1 Is there a day in 
the whole year, so full of incentives to fight for 
liberty, or which is so likely to be selected by 
our slave population to sunder their shackles, 
as the birth-day of our national independence, 
the fourth of July ? If such an event should 
happen, what a spectacle would be presented to 
mankind ! A people, boasting of their freedom, 
and celebrating their deliverance from a foreign 
yoke, — one moment calling heaven to witness, 
that all men are created free and equal, and the 
next engaged in a bloody strife to hold in slave- 
ry every sixth person in the land — millions in 
all!! 

THE ' RECREANT ' PRIEST. 

Having done with the 'recreant' lawyer, I 
pass, for a moment, to the 'recreant' priest of 
Boston. It is not, exactly, ' a step from the 



3S 



sublime to the ridiculous,' but rather ' from bad 
to worse ' — that is, from Faneuil Hall to Bow- 
doin-street meeting-house! — This is but one of 
a great multitude of priests in America, whose 
portraiture is so accurately drawn by the proph- 
et Ezekiel — who have violated the law of God, 
and have profaned his holy things; ' they have 
put no difference betvvreen the holy and profane, 
neither have they showed difference between 
the unclean and the clean.' I hesitate not to 
say, that the attorney is less deserving of infa- 
my than the priest. Both of them, it is true, 
represented the martyred Lovejoy as justly per- 
ishing by his own folly and obstinacy ; both 
took that occasion to calumniate the friends of 
liberty, and to utter language calculated to en- 
courage fresh outbreaks of popular fur}^; both 
were guilty of high treason against God and 
their country, so far as it can be committed in 
terms. But the former makes no special pre- 
tensions to piety : the latter is professedly a 
minister of Jesus Christ, ' a watchman upon the 
walls of Zion,' one who is ' set for the defence 
of the gospel ' 1 To think of such a man — just 
at the close of a bloody tragedy — on a day set 
apart for thanksgiving and prayer to Almighty- 
God in view of his manifold kindnesses — here 
in the metropolis of New-England — from ' the 
sacred desk,' as it is reverently culled — preach- 
ing a sermon, in which he has the presumption 
and folly to assert, that ' republican liberty is 
not the liberty to say and do just what one 
pleases — but liberty to say and do ivhat the pre- 
vailing voiee and will of the brotherhood will 
ALLOW and protect ' ! — in which he slander- 
ously declares, that the principles and measures 
of the abolitionists ' only tend to place the abo- 
lition of slavery at a more hopeless distance, or 
Xojill the land ivith violence and blood' I — in 



39 



which he avers, that he ' considers the mournful 
disaster at AUon, as the legitimate result of 

those UNCHRISTIAN PRINCIPLES AND MEASURES ' ! 

— and in which he defames liberty by main- 
taining, that ' in all republican governments, a 
moh is the natural consequence'' of opposing the 
views of the majority, and that ' it is in vain to 
call upon the civil magistrates to protect us, if 
we press too severely upon public sentiment'! 
— I believe before God, that the author of that 
sermon has more to answer for by its publica- 
tion, than the wretched creature who shot down. 
Lovejoy, for that murderous act. ' 0, his of- 
fence is rank — it smells to heaven I ' 

But, mark! — Boston is still in spirit pro-sla- 
very. Of all her spacious meeting-houses and 
commodious halls, at the present time, not one 
can be obtained for the delivery of an anti-sla- 
very lecture, except this beautiful and conven- 
ient chapel in which we are assmbled — and how 
this has been erected, and why it is we are per- 
mitted 10 occupy it, is well known. It does 
not take away any reproach from the city, 
though it reflects great credit on the moral en- 
terprise and public spirit of individuals. As 
for Faneuil Hall, ' Ichabod' is written upon its 
walls, and no more may it resound with soul- 
stirring appeals in favor of universal liberty! 
The subserviency of the city authorities to ' the 
dark spirit of slavery' is abject. Now, whom 
have they selected to deliver the anniversary 
oration in the Old South church this day? 
Why — to be sure — the facile pastor of Bowdoin- 
street church — a marvellous proper mouth-piece 
for the inhabitants of a city who have crucified 
Liberty in her very birth-place ! But this 
choice only confirms what the scripture declares, 
— ' Aiid there shall he, like people, like priest ; 



40 



and I will punish them for their ways, and re- 
ward them for their doings,' saith the Lord. 

INCENTIVES TO PERSEVERANCE. 

A word to those who dare to think for them- 
selves, and to give free utterance to their thoughts 
— who care not what may be ' the prevailing 
voice and will of the brotherhood' on any sub- 
ject — the faithful followers of truth, liirough 
evil as well as good report — the uncompromis- 
ing enemies of oppression in every form, techni- 
cally called abolitionists, but stigmatized as 
fanatics by an insane multitude. If time had 
allowed, an animating view of the progress of 
our sacred cause, since the last national anni- 
versary, in all parts of the free States, might 
have been drawn, to cheer us in carrying on 
the conflict another year. New-England has 
almost become one great anti-slavery society. 
The change that has been wrought in public 
sentiment, throughout the country, in favor of 
our principles and measures, calls for devout 
thanksgiving to God, and is full of encourage- 
ment. But, while so much remains to be ac- 
complished, — while we know that a great crisis is 
at hand, which is to settle the destiny of this re- 
public, — while we perceive that slaveholding 
despotism is still fearfully in the ascendant, 
trampling under foot the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence as a seditious instrument, and treating 
the American Constitution as 'a blurred and 
tattered parchment,' — let us not stop to recount 
our victories, or to repose in the lap of compla- 
cency, but GO FORWARD to surmount new obsta- 
cles thrown up in our path, make new assaults 
upon the execrable system of slavery, and storm 
other intrenchments of the common enemy of 
God and man. What an example of tireless 
effort, of unwearied devotion, of indomitable 



41 



perseverance, of disinterested philanthropy, of 
triumphant success, has been set us by the 
friends of negro emancipation in Great Britain! 
O, blessings upon them all ! Though for years 
struggling against fearful odds — though a thou- 
sand times repulsed on the right hand and on 
the left — though often deceived and betrayed by 
faithless representatives in Parliament, and by 
a corrupt ministry — still they have faltered not, 
they have doubted not, but pressed onward with 
almost superhuman energy, with a faith ade- 
quate to the removal of mountains, with quench- 
less zeal and victorious assurance, until they 
have succeeded in unloosing the chains of eight 
hundred thousand bondmen, who are soon to 
go forth and rank among the freest of the free. ' 
And their philanthropic labors have been the 
more remarkable, inasmuch as the victims for 
whose redemption they have so long expended 
their time, and means, and sympathies, reside 
in distant islands; while those for whom we 
plead are on our soil. Theij had no dread of 
insurrection, saw no stains of blood, heard no 
clankings of chains or wailings of despair, and 
beheld no traffic in human flesh, among them- 
selves ; but ice are in constant danger of a ser- 
vile war in our midst, our soil is red with gore, 
every breeze from the south is laden with woe, 
and our shambles are crowded with husbands 
and wives, parents and children, destined to be 
torn asunder and sold like dumb beasts to the 
highest bidders I Having, then, so many strong- 
er inducements to be up and doing than our 
English brethren have been necessitated to feel 
— the very existence of our beloved country, 
with all its precious institutions, being in peril, 
and our own lives and liberties at stake ; having, 
moreover, not eight hundred thousand, but two 
MILLIONS AND A HALF of slavcs to liberate from 



42 



bondage ; shall we he less munificerit, less active, 
or less consecrated to the cause of bleeding hu- 
manity, than our transatlantic exemplars ? O 
Tio ! it cannot be — unless our faith is spurious, 
our profession hypocritical, our S3rn->pathy hol- 
low-hearted, our hatred of oppression a fitful 
spasm, our ardor of spirit a transient glow ; un- 
less we hate our own flesh, and desire to see 
human blood spilt like water, and delight to 
trample upon our species, and are recreant to 
the God in whom we live, and move, and have 
our being! 

' Friends of the cause of righteous liberty ! 

Shrink not, though you be straitened in your course. 

Even as was Israel at the Red Sea wave. 

Nerve every faculty — call every means, 

And every energy of heart and mind, 

Forth into action — summon up your strength — 

Ply arguments, persuasion, eloquence — 

Your property, time, talents, consecrate — 

Bear patiently with deeply rooted feelings 

Of prejudice, self-interest, and all else 

That may have twined round your opponents' hearts • 

Yet combat still — remove and overpower them — 

Until no longer in our favored land 

Is heard the voice of tyranny, and all 

Who breathe the same pure air alike are free ! 

So may God bless you ! and the 'franchised slave 

Remember only in his grateful prayers, 

That he has ever drained Oppression's cup; 

And that he owes his liberty to you ! ' 



^ 



ORIGINAL HYBIN. 
Written hy P. H. Sweetser, and sung at Marlboro' 
Chapel, My 4, 1838. 

Who fought their country to redeem 
From stern Oppression's iron hand, 
And braved the tyrant's savage power, 
To purchase freedoia for this land ? 

Who, side by side w::h Washington, 
For equal blessings did contend? 
And who with Warren bled and died. 
Their country's honor to defend? 

The blood of Afric's sable sons 
Has redden'd many a tented field ! 
The trophies of the fights they won 
Are blazon'd on our country's shield ! 

They shrunk not in that fearful hour, 
When sternest patriotism quailed ; 
They smote Oppression's hateful form, 
And Freedom smiled, and Truth prevailed ! 

But hark ! what means that cry of woe ? 
Man is transformed into a fiend ! 
Fair Freedom's sons are captive now 
To those whom their own sires redeemed f 

Weep, Mercy, weep ! the corner stone 
Of Freedom's temple rests in blood — 
AVhile vile attorneys shout, Amen ! 
And priests obey ' the brotherhood ! ' 

But truth and right will soon prevail. 
And law and justice be restored — 
And men of every caste shall know. 
And love, and fear, and trust the Lord ! 

Shout, Freedom, shout ! Oppression dies T 
The monster, Slavery, gasps for life ! 
Sword of the Spirit, now awake. 
And stay the foe, and end the strife I 



THE TOCSIN. 

' If the pulpit be silent, whenever or wherever there 
may be a sinner, bloody with this guilt, within the hear- 
ing of its voice, the pulpit is false to its trust.'' 

D. Webster. 

Wake ! children of the men who said, 

' All are born free ' ! — Their spirits come 

Back to the places where they bled 
In freedom's holy martyrdom. 

And find you sleeping on their graves, 

And hugging there your chains, — ye slaves ! 

Ay — slaves of slaves ! What, sleep ye yet, 
And dream of Freedom, while ye sleep? 

Ay — dream, while Slavery's foot is set 
So firmly on your necks, — while deep 

The chain her quivering flesh enduies 

Gnaws, like a cancer, into yours ! — 

Hah ! say ye that I've falsely spoken, 

Calling ye slaves ? — Then prove ye're not : 

Work a free press ! — ye'll see it broken : 
Stand, to defend it ! — ye'll be shot. — 

yes ! but people should not dare 

Print what •' the brotherhood ' wont bear ! — 

Then from your lips let words of grace, 
Gleaned from the Holy Bible's pages, 

Fall, while ye're pleading for a race 
Whose blood has flowed thro' chains for ages ; — 

And pray — ' Lord, let thy kingdom come ! ' 

And see if ye're not stricken dumb. 

Yes, men of God ! ye may not speak 

As, by the Word of God, ye're bidden ; — 

By the press'd lip, — the blanching cheek, 
Ye feel yourselves rebuked and chidden; 

And if ye're not cast out, ye fear it : — 

And why ? — ' The brethren ' will not hear it. 



45 



Since, then, through pulpit, or through press, 
To prove your freedom ye're not able, 

Go, — like the Sun of Righteousness, 
By wise men honored, — to a stable ! 

Bend there to Liberty your knee ! 

Say there that God made all men free ! 

Even there, — ere Freedom's vows ye've plighted, 
Ere of her form ye've caught a glimpse. 

Even there, are fires infernal lighted, 
And ye're driven out by Slavery's imps. 

Ah, well ! — ' so persecuted they 

The prophets ' of a former day ! — 

Go, then, and build yourselves a hall, 
To prove ye are not slaves, but men ! 

"Write ' Freedom ' on its towering wall I 
Baptize it in the name of Penn ; 

And give it to her Holy cause, 

Beaeath the ^gis of her laws : — 

"Within, let Freedom's anthem swell ; — 
And, while your hearts begin to throb, 

And burn within j^ou Hark ! the yell — 

The torch — the torrent of the Mob ! — 

They're Slavery's troops that round you sweep, 

Ar.d leave your hall a smouldering heap ! 

At S'lavery's beck, the prayers ye urge 
On y)\xx own servants, through the door 

Of your o-vn senate, — that the scourge 
May gast your brother's back no more. 

Are tramplei: underneath their feet, 

"While ye stana praying in the street ! 

At Slavery's beci; ye send your sons 
To hunt down InC^ian wives or maids, 

Doomed to the lash !— Yes, and their bones, 
"Whitening mid swamps and everglades, 

"Where no friend goes to give them graves, 

Prove that ye are not Slavery's slaves ! ! 



46 



At Slavery's beck, the very hands 
Ye lift to heaven, to swear ye're free, 

Will break a truce, to seize the lands 
Of Seminole or Cherokee ! 

Yes — tear a flag, that Tartar hordes 

Respect, and shield it with their swords ! 

Vengeance is thine, Almighty God ! 

To pay it hath thy justice bound thee : — 
Even now, I see thee take thy rod : — 

Thy thunders, leashed and growling round thee- 
Slip them not yet, in mercy ! — Deign 
Thy wrath yet longer to restrain ! — 

Or — let thy kingdom. Slavery, come ! 

Let Church, let State, receive thy chain! 
Let pulpit, press, and hall be dumb, 

If so ' the brotherhood ' ordain ! 
The Muse her own indignant spirit 
"Will yet speak out ; — and men shall hear it. 

Yes : — while, at Concord, there's a stons 
That she can strike her fire from still ; 

While there's a shaft at Lexington, 
Or half a one on Bunker's Hill, 

There shall she stand and strike her lyre, 

And Truth and Freedom shall stand by her. 

But should she thence by mobs be driven. 

For purer heights she'll plume her ving : — 
Spurning a land of slaves, to heaver 

She'll soar, — w^here she can safely sing. — 
God of our fathers, speed her thi'her ! 
God of the free, — let me go v>\v\ her ! 



UNIVERSAL EMANCIPATION. 
By W. L. Garrison. 

Though distant be the hour, yet come it must — 

Oh ! hasten it, in mercy, righteous Heaven ! 
"When Afric's sons, uprising from the dust, 

Shall stand erect — their galling letters riven; 

When from his throne Oppression shall be driven, 
An exiled monster, powerless through all time ; 

When freedom — glorious freedom, shall be given 
To every race, complexion, caste and clime, 
And nature's sable hue shall cease to be a crime ! 

Wo if it come with storm, and blood, and fire, 

When midnight darkness veils the earth and sky • 
Wo to the innocent babe — the guilty sire ! 

Mother and daughter — friends of kindred tie ! 

Stranger and citizen alilce shall die .' 
Red-handed Slaughter his revenge shall feed, 

And Havoc yell his ominious death-cry. 
And wild Despair in vain for mercy plead — 
While hell itself shall shrink, and sicken at the deed ! 

Thou who avengest blood ! long suffering Lord ! 

My guilty country from destruction save ! 
Let justice sheathe his sharp and terrible sword, 

And Mercy rescue, e'en as from the grave ! 

for the sake of those who firmly brave 
The lust of power — the tyranny of law — 

To bring redemption to the perishing slave — 

Fearless though few — Thy presence ne'er withdraw, 

But quench the kindling flames of hot, rebellious war ! 



48 



And )'e — sad victims of base avarice ! 

Hunted like beasts — and trodden like the earth ; 
Bought and sold daily, at a paltry price — 

The scorn of tyrants, and of fools the mirth — 

Your souls debased from their immortal birth ! 
Bear meekly — as ye've borne — your cruel woes j 

Ease follows pain — light, darkness — plenty, dearth: 
So time shall give you freedom and repose. 
And high exalt your heads above your bitter foes ! 

Not by the sword shall your deliverance be ; 

Not by the shedding of your masters' blood ; 
Not by rebellion or foul treachery, 

Upspringing suddenly, like swelling flood : 

Revenge and rapine ne'er did bring forth good : 
God's time is best ! — nor w^ill it long delay : 

Even now your barren cause begins to bud, 
And glorious shall the fruit be ! — Watch and pray, 
For, lo ! the kindling dawn, that ushers in the day ! 



54 W 



















*. "^^O* '"■ 









7 J'^ ' 



,^sr 




• •" ^^ ^ -^ ^^^ <^ *-'^ 

»*i=)«J,!» -*> cO ,«j«;^ % *o, -4.* . • " • 


















- f^ 



o > • 









<> ♦•-o» .^"^ 






> ^^-nK 







o m h 

5 o^ ' 



cv *- 



S* >°'*. •• 






q.**Tr,-'AO' vi;r»r.v««-' 







^..1:^.% 









r* A 



<> *0 • ik * .0 



^. *<'..• 









•^ 



i-. X..*' /j 


















